ICYMI From The Wall Street Journal: Alaska Considers Economic Suicide

The state has prospered under Trump, and the vulnerable Sen. Dan Sullivan deserves credit.

Kimberly A. Strassel, Wall Street Journal

Oct. 15, 2026 5:32 pm ET

Wasilla, Alaska

‘Build the line! Build the line! Build the line!” The chant roars through the sports center as Sen. Dan Sullivan revs up the crowd. It’s unleashed again when President Trump occupies the stage for his Tuesday midterm rally.

The crowd is cheering a proposed 800-mile liquefied-natural-gas pipeline that would mean jobs, energy and a cash bonanza for the state. It’s a project politicians have failed to deliver for decades, but it’s tantalizingly close to approval. That is, if Alaskans don’t vote on Nov. 3 for political and economic suicide.

That’s the choice in the Senate election here, the message the incumbent, Mr. Sullivan, needs to land if he wants to beat Democrat Mary Peltola. Alaskans are as bitter as lower-48ers about affordability (prices are even higher in this remote state), and many voters are unenthusiastic about rewarding the party in charge. Mr. Sullivan’s mission is to remind Alaska—a state almost wholly at the mercy of federal policy—that things could be worse. That a vote for Mrs. Peltola is a vote to re-empower a left determined to kill the Alaskan economy. And a vote to dismiss the only Alaskan senator with the president’s ear.

That’s no easy feat given an opponent who is capably capitalizing on short voter memories. Mrs. Peltola is the state’s best-known Democrat—having represented Alaska in the House from 2022 to 2025. Yet on the stump you might not know she’s ever heard of Chuck Schumer. She’s leaning into her Native Alaskan roots, positioning herself as uniquely cognizant of the state’s needs. She excoriates “politicians in D.C.” like the “self-dealing” Mr. Sullivan as “corrupt” and “rigging the system” against Last Frontier residents. At events, she blames Trump policies, tariffs in particular, and Mr. Sullivan for Alaska’s price problems. She praises prior Republican leaders—like her House predecessor, the late Don Young, for having put “Alaska first.”

Mr. Sullivan’s challenge is to refute this remarkable rewrite of recent history. Two years ago, Alaska faced an economic cliff. Joe Biden spent four years imposing the environmental left’s agenda on the state, issuing more than 70 orders and actions against its economy. He banned oil and gas leases, mining projects and timber harvests. He locked up land and fisheries and barred new roads. His paltry defense budgets starved Alaska’s military installations. In a state where nearly all the economy is based on oil and gas, the military, mining and seafood, this was an economic death sentence.

Mrs. Peltola served as a loyal assistant for 21⁄2 of those years. She voted her party roughly 90% of the time, including votes to kill her own state. She voted against a bill to mandate more oil and gas leases offshore and in the National Petroleum Reserve. She voted against loan guarantees for the LNG project. In 2024, when a bill she co-sponsored to reverse the Biden administration’s oil lockup in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and the National Petroleum Reserve finally came up, she bowed to pressure and voted “present.”

That was when she bothered to show up. Mrs. Peltola’s short House career was marked by chronic absenteeism. Records show she missed 17.2% of the votes in the 118th Congress—mirroring the 18.6% of votes she missed in her 10 years in the Alaska House. Maybe that’s why she failed to get a single bill signed into federal law, even under a Democratic administration. (Nick Begich Jr., her successor, has shepherded nine bills into law this term.)

Alaska’s nightmare ended with Mr. Trump’s return to office. Elevated prices aside, things have rarely looked more optimistic for the 49th state. On stage, Mr. Sullivan rips up his list of those 70 Biden actions—a document he entitled the “Last Frontier Lockup”—to riotous applause. He notes that Mr. Trump has put unrelenting focus on Alaskan prosperity and recounts the progress.

On Inauguration Day Mr. Trump issued an order entirely dedicated to Alaska that rescinded Biden policies and ordered federal agencies to maximize the state’s economic opportunities. The feds have restarted the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. They’ve thrown open the National Petroleum Reserve and held a record-breaking lease sale. New fields are coming online, filling the pipeline. Washington is streamlining permits, and oil players are rushing back north.

The Trump team approved the Ambler Road project, opening access to a rich mining area. It enacted regulatory fishing reform. Its roadless rule repeal would reopen the Tongass National Forest. A military buildup is sending money and jobs for missile defense, base upgrades, and (belatedly) home ports for four icebreakers in the only state with sea ice. And a real chance at the “line,” the LNG project. Mr. Trump is vowing a $50 billion South Korean investment, a deal that isn’t finalized but is giving Alaskans real hope.

What Mr. Sullivan can’t publicly say but savvier Alaskans understand is that these gains come down to his personal relationship with the president. Mr. Trump has a special dislike for Sen. Lisa Murkowski, given past votes against his agenda and in favor of convicting him in his 2021 impeachment trial. If Mr. Sullivan goes away, so does Alaska’s line to the presidency.

Would the administration continue its existing efforts? Maybe. Would it grant further favors? Not for a Murkowski-Peltola ask. Might the president visit retribution on that duo? Quite possibly.

“Voters are really starting to understand the ramification of a Sen. Sullivan not being in D.C.—just how negatively it will affect this state,” says Kevin Greene, senior adviser in Alaska for Americans for Prosperity Action, which has a team of dozens knocking on doors to remind voters of the stakes.

Mr. Sullivan faces two opponents: Mrs. Peltola and the state’s ridiculous ranked-choice voting system, which the Democrats are gaming. The dirty tricks include “Decoy” Dan Sullivan, a Peltola donor now running as a Republican, who will share the November ballot with the incumbent. Republicans are feverishly trying to educate this Republican state on how to fill out the ballot in a way that doesn’t accidentally elect the Democrat. If Mr. Schumer becomes Senate majority leader, it could be thanks to Alaska skullduggery.

The good news for Mr. Sullivan: Republicans are tuning in. The Trump team wisely bypassed purple Anchorage and Fairbanks to rally here, in the Mat-Su Valley, the state’s most conservative borough. It paid off. Trump enthusiasts lined up in the dark on Tuesday morning, waiting hours for the president’s afternoon talk. They crammed into every available space in this center, with many more braving the cold to watch outside on a big screen. The president was his usual winding self, but managed to impart the key message: Vote for Mrs. Peltola, and this state is toast. We’ll see if Alaskans choose wisely.

Write to kim@wsj.com.

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AFP Action Michigan’s Tim Golding On Fox & Friends!

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Reuters Exclusive: On Michigan doorsteps, Republicans sell Democrats-as-extremists message with mixed success

Nathan Layne, Reuters

September 26, 2026 6:04 AM EDT

LIVONIA, Michigan, Sept 26 (Reuters) – The pitch was simple: Republican US Senate candidate Mike Rogers is a common-sense conservative, while Democratic rival Abdul El-Sayed is a big-government socialist aligned with the party’s left wing. 

But when a canvasser backing Rogers delivered that message to Nick Delise, a three-time Donald Trump voter in suburban Detroit, he encountered some skepticism. Though Delise said he would probably vote for Rogers, he rejected the notion that Democrats were controlled by the far left, saying the party was focused on practical solutions to voters’ problems. 

The exchange offered a first-hand look at a strategy Republicans are deploying in Michigan and other battleground states: to portray Democrats as ideological extremists who have moved too far to the left, while turning out less-engaged supporters needed to keep their congressional majorities in November. 

Reuters accompanied door-knockers with Americans for Prosperity Action, the super PAC arm of the conservative network backed by billionaire Charles Koch, in the city of Livonia last week as they sought to mobilize voters for Rogers in the tightly contested race. 

The conversations highlighted both the appeal and limits of Republican messaging. With many Americans unhappy with President Donald Trump’s handling of the economy and the war in Iran, Republicans have been struggling to find messages that will get voters struggling with the high cost of living to the polls on Election Day.

Delise, 32, had appeared an ideal audience for the pitch. An American flag hung from the porch of his modest, single-story home, two pickup trucks sat in the driveway and a pro-police “Thin Blue Line” banner was displayed in the garage. 

He acknowledged he knew little about the candidates and typically skips midterm elections, while attributing his conservative leanings to the influence of relatives in law enforcement. He complained about the cost of fueling his trucks. 

“I’m not hardcore like I have to vote Republican,” Delise told Reuters in a follow-up interview, adding that he had not ruled out backing a Democrat if he decides to vote. “I’d be open. I’m not saying there’s not a chance.” 

To be sure, many people canvassers encountered were already in Rogers’ camp, making the conversations less about persuasion than turnout. One Trump supporter in her 50s said she and two family members had already committed to Rogers, while a middle-aged man chatting in a neighbor’s yard said he would back Rogers to thwart what he described as a socialist turn by Democrats. 

Trump and his allies have sought to capitalize on recent primary victories by some left-leaning Democrats like El-Sayed to argue that the party is veering toward socialism and poses a threat to the country, a claim Democratic leaders dismiss as false and fearmongering. At the same time, Trump has called on his party to put him at the center of their election efforts to excite his base, despite his growing unpopularity. 

A Republican couple in their 80s illustrated a potential weakness in the Trump-centric turnout strategy. While the wife said she would vote for Rogers, her husband said dissatisfaction with the president had left him unsure whether he could back the Republican Senate nominee. A canvasser sought to redirect the conversation to policy differences and away from Trump. 

“People aren’t super happy with the situation in the world right now,” Tim Golding, senior adviser to AFP Action in Michigan, said in an interview. “But we try to pivot off that conversation and go back to the policies and the agenda that our candidates have, and not have a conversation about Trump as best we can.” 

ENTHUSIASM GAP 

With Trump posting weak approval ratings and not on the ballot, Republicans must mobilize supporters who might otherwise skip the midterms, when turnout typically falls by more than 10 percentage points from presidential-election levels. That historic trend is raising the stakes for the Republicans’ national door-knocking and other get-out-the-vote efforts this election. 

Democrats appear more energized, with 42% of self-described Democrats saying they are “very enthusiastic” about voting, compared with 28% of Republican voters, according to the latest Reuters/Ipsos poll. 

In Michigan, concerns about an enthusiasm gap recently spilled into public view when a Republican working with the Rogers campaign complained about a lack of energy among volunteers for door-knocking and other activities. 

“The vibes on the ground are the worst I’ve seen in my life,” Jackson Karki, a college student who had been helping the campaign organize several northern counties, posted to X last week. “No one wants to promote candidates, no one wants to knock doors, no one wants to do shit.” 

Other Republicans dispute that characterization. In Oakland County, one of Michigan’s most important battlegrounds and home to more than 1 million registered voters, Republican Party Chair Vance Patrick said volunteer enthusiasm remains strong. 

In an interview, he said Trump was set to visit the state twice before the election on November 3, which he predicted would further encourage volunteers and boost turnout. County party organizations like Patrick’s have grown more important in Michigan as the state Republican Party’s operations have weakened in recent years. 

Patrick said the county’s top targets include roughly 20,000 Jewish voters, a key constituency for Rogers given El-Sayed’s opposition to military aid for Israel and his characterization of Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide. It is also chasing 38,000 so-called sleeping giants – infrequent voters who they believe would back Rogers if persuaded to cast a ballot. 

MICHIGAN A CASE STUDY OF NATIONAL EFFORT 

Including AFP and other outside groups, Rogers’ campaign plans to knock on six million to eight million doors by Election Day, according to a person familiar with the matter, roughly double the 2024 total, when he lost the Senate race by 19,000 votes. 

The effort reflects the scale of the Republican turnout strategy nationally, where campaigns and allied groups are investing heavily in door-knocking and other voter-targeting operations amid concerns about voter enthusiasm. 

Republicans hold a $637 million cash lead nationally over Democrats across super PACs and party committees, dwarfing Democrats’ edge in candidate fundraising and potentially helping fund a more expansive turnout operation, said Brendan Glavin, OpenSecrets’ director of insights. 

Yet Democrats say money alone will not decide the race. The Michigan Democratic Party says its active volunteer ranks have grown by 267% since the primary as the party has rallied behind El-Sayed. 

Michigan Democratic Party Chair Curtis Hertel said Democrats will knock on 1.4 million doors in the campaign’s final four weeks, arguing the effort will blunt Republican attempts to shift focus away from kitchen-table issues. 

They are counting on voters like one resident in his 20s who answered the door in Livonia and, when asked whom he planned to vote for, replied simply, “Not Mike Rogers,” before closing it. 

Reporting by Nathan Layne in Livonia, Michigan, editing by Ross Colvin and Alistair Bell

AFP Action Celebrates Wins in South Dakota State Primary Races

NEWS RELEASE

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: June 3, 2026

CONTACT: William Hadden, williamhadden@afpaction.com

Pierre, SD – Americans for Prosperity Action (AFP Action) congratulated its endorsed candidates in South Dakota, celebrating its wins as all three of its candidates sailed to victory in Tuesday’s primary elections. 

AFP Action endorsed the following candidates in South Dakota:

  • State Sen. Sue Peterson (SD-13) 
  • State Sen. Amber Hulse (SD-30)
  • State Rep. John Robert Hughes (HD-13)

AFP Action Senior Advisor Jennifer Beving released the following statement:

“Congratulations to Sen. Peterson, Sen. Hulse, and Rep. Hughes on their victories this week. All of them have consistently fought to pass sensible policies in the legislature that will keep South Dakota on the right track, whether it’s truth in taxation, protecting jobs, or supporting regulatory oversight like the REINS Act. Voters want common sense in our state government, and we look forward to supporting our three candidates in November and into next year to make that common sense a reality.”